Why Is Jon Huntsman Losing?

by Dennis Sanders on January 10, 2012

I’ve never made it a secret that I really like Jon Huntsman for the GOP Presidential Nomination. I like the former Utah governor’s record as a solid Republican that had more moderate to liberal social opinions. He seemed to court a lot of love from a number of moderate and liberal pundits, but when it came to actually campaigning for President, he’s been at near the bottom of opinion polls.

Why is that?

Back in November, Ross Douthat tried to answer that question and came up with the following which is pretty plausible:

 

Huntsman has none of Romney’s health care baggage, and unlike the
former Massachusetts governor, he didn’t spend the last decade
flip-flopping on gun rights, immigration and abortion. Meanwhile, on
many of the highest-profile issues of the primary season (the individual
mandate, Paul Ryan’s House budget, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac), he has
arguably been more consistently conservative than Gingrich.

At the
same time, because Huntsman is perceived as less partisan than his
rivals, he has better general election prospects. The gears and tumblers
of my colleague Nate Silver’s predictive models
give Huntsman a 55 percent chance of knocking off the incumbent even if
the economy grows at a robust 4 percent, compared to Romney’s 40
percent.

In theory, then, Huntsman seems like he could occupy the
sweet spot that Gingrich claims to have all to himself. In practice,
though, his campaign to date has been an unmitigated disaster.

This
isn’t for want of substance. On issues ranging from foreign affairs to
financial reform, Huntsman’s proposals have been an honorable exception
to the pattern of gimmickry and timidity that has characterized the
Republican field’s policy forays.

But his salesmanship has been
staggeringly inept. Huntsman’s campaign was always destined to be
hobbled by the two years he spent as President Obama’s ambassador to
China. But he compounded the handicap by introducing himself to the
Republican electorate with a series of symbolic jabs at the party’s
base.

 

He picked high-profile fights on two hot-button issues — evolution
and global warming — that were completely irrelevant to his candidacy’s
rationale. He let his campaign manager define his candidacy as a fight
to save the Republican Party from a “bunch of cranks.” And he embraced his identity as the media’s favorite Republican by letting the liberal journalist Jacob Weisberg write a fawning profile for Vogue.

 

This
was political malpractice at its worst. Voters don’t necessarily need
to like a candidate to vote for him, but they need to think that he
likes them. Imagine a contender for the Democratic nomination
introducing himself to liberal voters by attacking Planned Parenthood,
distancing himself from “left-wing nutjobs” and giving a series of
interviews on Fox News, and you have the flavor of how Huntsman’s
opening act was perceived on the right. The substance mattered less than
the symbolism, which screamed: I want your vote, but I don’t
particularly care to be associated with your stupidities.

There was a time in my life I would have been upset at such a statement.  I would have totally disagreed with the analysis. Now?  Not so much.  The thing is, if you’re going to run as a Republican, you have to respect the base of the party.  No one should expect to get very far in the GOP selection process if you call those who you’re going to vote for cranks.  Douthat is correct that people don’t need to like a candidate, but they need to know that the candidate likes them.  While people on either side of Mitt Romney see him as a flip-flopper who tries to please the base, the fact of the matter is if he wanted to be considered a candidate he was going to have to tailor his views to the GOP electorate.

Of course, if moderates were more involved on the party level, then candidates like Romney wouldn’t have to give up their views on gay rights and abortion in order to be considered in the GOP.

But I think this all goes back to how the base is treated.  I don’t think one has to give their more moderate social views to be considered for President, but you need to bring the focus on issues like jobs and not give Christmas presents to pundits by calling folks who might vote for you crazy.  It’s crazy to think you can do that and get votes in the current primary system.

Of course, I may be totally wrong after today.  That would be nice.

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Yes, I’m Still Alive

by Dennis Sanders on January 6, 2012

Sorry about not publishing for a while.  I took a break from political blogging.  There are some changes afoot for this blog, so stay tuned.

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The Next Big Thing

by Dennis Sanders on November 29, 2011

A few years ago, I somehow stumbled into an argument.  A man who identified as an independent was arguing with me about the Bush Administration and about his not liking then presidential candidate John McCain.  I kept telling him McCain wasn’t Bush and that a McCain presidency was not going to be Bush, part 3.  He kept on talking about everything that had gone wrong over the years; the Iraq War, torture and a whole mess of other issues.

After a while, I started to realize this guy wasn’t an independent by any stretch of the imagination.  I finally told him that if he was upset at the Republicans and didn’t want to vote for them, that there is candidate and party that he can vote for.

I guess I wasn’t interested in playing this game with the gentleman.  For better or for worse, he had chosen who he was going to vote for and I wasn’t willing to play the charade.

Every so often, there is a some writer talking about the growing number of political independents, or folks that decline to state a party.  Some of these writers conclude this is a big movement that could change everything in the coming years here in America. It was the next big thing.

But the thing is, as many times as I’ve heard how independents are ready to break out and become a major force in some way, nothing ever really happens.  There’s no major candidate or third party or anything that seems to make independents a major force in politics. Last summer Alan Abramowitz wrote that maybe independents may just not really be independents:

There they go again. The presidential campaign season is barely under way but already pundits and pollsters are making misleading claims about independent voters and the role they play in presidential elections. Here are some of the things you’ve probably read or heard in recent weeks:

  • Independents make up the largest segment of the American electorate.
  • Independent voters are up for grabs in 2012.
  • Whichever party wins a majority of the independent vote will almost certainly win the presidency.

These beliefs about the crucial role of independent voters in presidential elections have become the conventional wisdom among the Washington commentariat, reinforced by groups like “No Labels” and “Third Way” that try to promote centrist solutions to the nation’s problems. Recently, the Pew Research Center provided additional support for this theory with a report claiming that independents constitute a rapidly growing and diverse group of voters who swing dramatically back and forth from election to election.

It sounds convincing, but when it comes to media commentary about independent voters, you shouldn’t believe everything you read or hear.

It’s true that independents are a diverse group. But that’s mostly because the large majority of independents are independents in name only. Research by political scientists on the American electorate has consistently found that the large majority of self-identified independents are “closet partisans” who think and vote much like other partisans. Independent Democrats and independent Republicans have little in common. Moreover, independents with no party preference have a lower rate of turnout than those who lean toward a party and typically make up less than 10% of the electorate.

Now, there have been articles knocking the independent voter, as long as there have been articles about the rise of independents.  But I think that Abramowitz’s take is more in line with what I’ve been seeing over the years; that people who claim they are political independents are really closet partisans.

If there really was this third force out there it would at some point coalesce into a real political movement with real positions on issues that would probably differ from the two major parties.  The movement then would become a third party or be co-opted by the other two parties.  But no such movement has ever taken shape.  I know there are structural issues that might keep third parties from rising, but even in states that have allowed third parties to take shape the third force is hardly a factor.

What I’ve noticed over time is that most of the people who claim to be independent choose one of the two major parties at some point.  They may never say it out loud, but in their words and speech it’s pretty clear which party they like or dislike more.

Solomon Kleinsmith recently commented that it might be best for David Frum to give up on changing the GOP and become and independent.  It won’t surprise me if Frum ends up leaving GOP, but if he declares himself an independent, I would bet that what would remain unspoken would be that he had chosen the other side, the Democrats and not some kind of third way.  He may never say that out loud, but it will be present in his speech.

As the song goes, we all have to serve somebody.

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David Frum’s Big Mistake

by Dennis Sanders on November 28, 2011

I recently lauded David Frum for his latest assessment on the state of the GOP, but I think he made a big booboo in a column for the Canadian newspaper, the National Journal.  Frum said that he thought the two best GOP presidential candidates were either former Utah Governor Jon Huntsman or former Massachusetts Governor Mitt Romney.  He then ends the article with this:

The Washington, D.C., primary is set for April 3. I’ll probably cast a vote that day for Huntsman, if only to show support for a brave and independent-minded candidate — and in hope that a strong Huntsman showing will be interpreted as a call for a more modern and inclusive Republican party.

If Mitt Romney emerges as the ultimate nominee, I’ll place my hope that the Romney who enters the Oval Office will be the innovative, solutions-oriented Romney 1.0 — and not the placate-every-GOP-interest-group Romney 3.0 we’ve seen on the 2011 campaign trail.

Any other nominee would gravely test my commitment to the political party I’ve supported since I entered the United States as a college student in the fall of 1978.

There are so many things wrong with this passage.  First and foremost it tends to contradict what he wrote in his New Yorker piece, about fighting for the future of the party.  The closing words of that essay was centered on hope and on a cause worth fighting for.  This passage sounds like a whiny kid that will jump if he doesn’t get his way.

The other problem is that it paints moderates as hypocrites.  We ask conservatives to be more tolerant and accepting, but if things don’t go our way, well we take our blocks and go home.  I’m not saying that if say, Rick Perry got the nod, that moderates should just supporting him, but there are ways of not agreeing.  If your goal is to make the party more moderate and to persuade others to see your point, you don’t do it by proclaiming you aren’t going to support the party if candidate X is chosen.

Finally, issuing threats aren’t going to get you very far.  There are a lot of folks on the right who are okay with Frum leaving the GOP and really don’t care.  Moderates tend to think that if we threaten we will leave the party, that someone somewhere will freak out and plead for us to come back.  Newsflash: no one cares.

Like Frum, I support both candidates and I agree with his frustration concerning the other presidential candidates.  But this isn’t the way to do it.  I think this column pretty much undid all the smart commentary from his New Yorker article.

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Remember James Joyner

by Dennis Sanders on November 27, 2011

If you are a religious person, please keep James Joyner in your prayers.  If not,  just keep him in your thoughts.  Joyner reported today that his wife, Kimberly, died in her sleep.  She was 41.

I’ve followed Joyner’s blog for a few years now and have enjoyed it.  He was able to write a short, but moving tribute to his partner in life:

We met in August 2004 and were married on October 8, 2005. She had just turned 35 and I was a few weeks shy of 40 but neither of us had been married before. We shared religious and political worldviews but very different personalities. She was extroverted, sunny, and patient to my introverted, grumpy, and antsy. I almost certainly got the better of that bargain.

Kim was my partner, helpmate, and confidante. Her passing leaves a gaping hole in my life.

It’s sad to hear of this.

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A New Hope

November 22, 2011

David Frum has probably written his best article about the current state of the GOP like, ever.  There have been a thousand articles written about what’s wrong with the GOP with a number written by Republicans.  After a while, they start to blur and get uninteresting. What’s the different about Frum’s is that he writes it in someway as a love letter, or a lost love.  He’s pleading for his love to mend her ways and come back to him, but not before saying how she has hurt him. I think what makes this article engaging is found in it’s [...] read more

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Losing Our Way

November 16, 2011

The GOP has had a comforting theory that they employ after a losing election.  The story goes like this: the Republican Party has lost its way.  It went to Washington to change things and ended up being changed by Washington. We need to get back on the right track (which usually means adhering more firmly to conservative orthodoxy). As Ramesh Ponnuru notes, the myth might be comforting, but it isn’t true: “We lost our way” was the cliche that expressed the Republican theory. “I believe we did not just lose our majority, we lost our way,” said Congressman Mike Pence, [...] read more

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More From the Soap Opera that is Washington

November 9, 2011

It looks like the GOP is finally breaking its “no tax increase” stand.  They are offering some revenue enhancements in the latest round of budget talks.  The Democratic response seems to be one big yawn.The Washington Post has the specifics: The offer proposed to hit the panel’s $1.2 trillion target — and to save $1.5 trillion through 2021, counting reduced interest payments on the national debt — by cutting $700 billion in spending and raising about $600 billion in new revenue.The spending cuts would include $240 billion from agency budgets, about $275 billion from federal health programs and about $150 billion from using a less-generous measure of [...] read more

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Will Raising Taxes Make a Difference?

October 31, 2011

The debate over the last few days and weeks in the wake of Occupy Wall Street has been around income inequality.  For the Occupy folk the solution is simple: raise taxes on the wealthy and the middle class and poor will have opportunities they don’t have now: The idea that government raising taxes on the wealthy won’t matter because that money will be used for programs that benefit the “relatively poor young” —a.k.a Social Security — is self-refuting. I’m not even sure how to respond to it, honestly, it’s so steeped in wing-nut and impenetrable to anyone who doesn’t find [...] read more

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Michele Norris Leaves NPR (Temporarily) for Hubby

October 24, 2011

Michele Norris, one of the hosts of NPR’s All Things Considered, is stepping away from hosting the afternoon news program until after the 2012 elections. Why, because her husband accepted a job with President Obama’s re-election campaign: In a note posted on NPR’s web site (h/t PostPolitics producer Matt DeLong), Norris said that her husband, Broderick Johnson, will join the Obama team as a senior adviser. Norris will continue working at NPR “producing signature segments and features and working on new reporting projects.” While she has recused herself, this might add more fuel to the fire of those who think [...] read more

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